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French and English Clashes in the first decade of the nineteenth
century & the Birth of French-Canadian Nationalism
For nearly two centuries the inhabitants of New France lived their day to day lives
under the French Regime. The colony of New France was shaped by such institutions as the
Catholic Church, and the seigneural system. After the Conquest of 1763, the inhabitants of
New France now found themselves under the control of the British monarch. However, the
life for the inhabitants of New France, virtually remained unchanged. It was not until the
American Revolution, that the inhabitants of New France began to feel the British presence.
As a result of the American Revolution many British subjects, who became known as the
United Empire Loyalists migrated north to the British colonies. The loyalists who settled
in colonies were uneasy by the lack of government and demanded that some form of
government be established. The British, who feared another war in North America, were
quick to appease the loyalists concerns. Thus in 1791 the Constitution Act was
implemented. From its implementation major clashes developed between the French and
English populations. These major clashes in Lower Canada in the first decade of the
nineteenth century were caused by the implementation of the Constitution Act of 1791. It
will be shown that the French-Canadian response to these tensions gave way for the birth of
French-Canadian nationalism.
The Constitution Act of 1791, which was a result of loyalists demands, left some
English feeling somewhat dissatisfied, particularly with the division of the colony into
Upper and Lower Canada.
In Lower Canada the French population held an overwhelming majority with 146, 000 over
the English population which was only 10,000. The French population, who were pleased
that they were a majority in their own colony, also had concerns with the Constitution Act
of 1791. The French population consisted mainly of habitants, and other lower class trades.
On the opposite end of the spectrum was the English population who dominated the
industrial and commercial sectors of Lower Canada(particularly the region around the St.
Lawrence). This gave the English a huge advantage over the French, economically and
socially. The French and English who basically lived independent from one another, did feel
immediate tensions, yet for the Canadiens it was the threat of assimilation that always
lingered. The implementation of the British Parliamentary system in Lower Canada that saw
the tensions between French and English reach a peak.
Under the British Parliamentary system there was a governor of Lower Canada, who
was appointed by the British; an executive council and a legislative council, which were
appointed and an elected assembly. The appointments of these councils were decided by the
British and hence a system of heritoscracy was in place. This developed a situation in which
the Canadiens were a distinct minority in the non-elective branches of the government: in
the legislative council they had seven out of sixteen members, and in the executive council
they had four out of nine. The only possibility that could allow Canadien representatives
in the government was the elected assembly. However, with the results of the first election
it showed that this was not even guaranteed.
With the English population, only a fifteenth of the total had almost a third of the seats in
the assembly. With the English minority having the majority in the government the
Canadien were virtually unrepresented within the new political system. To make matters
worse the governor had the ability to veto any bill the assembly brought forth. The
Canadiens ignorance to the British Parliamentary system demanded their immediate
attention or face possible consequences of assimilation.
Within the political arena the Canadien representatives were quick to act on the issue
on language. In what language was the new government to function? The issue of language
managed to creep into the forefront of politics in the first meeting. There needed to be a
election for the speaker of the assembly, and of course there was immediate discussion over
the need for the speaker to be bilingual. After debates were heard, the vote was taken and
Jean-Antoine Panet, the French nominee was elected. However, this was not the last of the
languages debates. The official language of the legislature still needed to be decided. The
end result seemed satisfactory to the English and French. The records of the legislature were
to be kept in French and English. The Canadiens were beginning to use the British
Parliamentary system in a way that would help secure their own distinctiveness.
The majority of the French population of this time was still agrarian based.
However, there was an increased awareness of the ability for French to hold other positions
in society. The rise of the lawyers and notaries was a result. An increasing number of
French were furthering their education and learning the British political system.
These men were described by Governor Craig as the ‘new order of men’, these men were
becoming the leaders of the habitants. The lack of experience shown by Canadiens in the
representative government, was disappearing. These professional men, held confidence in
what they knew and in the system itself. As these professionals grew in the assembly, the
seigneurs, who up until this point occupied the seats in the assembly, were being pushed out.
Interestingly enough the seigneurs made allies of the English legislative and executive
councils. The seigneur’s were in fear of the new government and wanted to ensure their
economic place within Lower Canada. One way for them to do this was by siding with the
economic strong holders of Lower Canada. The opposing sides of government were taking
on new qualities. At first the divisions were only French verus English, but the fact that the
seigneurs were siding with the English now created lines of economic division. As well, the
needs, desires and aims of the assembly became pivoted against those of the executive and
legislative councils. Even with the rise of the new class of professionals(middle-class) the
English and the councils were considered to be of higher class. The British parliamentary
system made clear distinctions between classes.
The professional class did not only work though the assembly alone. Political
opinions were developed through the newspapers. One newspaper in general Le Canadien,
was used as a tool by the new professionals. The paper reflected the views of this new
group, it became an instrument for these men, to get their beliefs out.
After further investigation into Le Canadien by the councils, Craig reported that Le
Canadien was primarily if not entirely supported by the Leaders of the assembly. Le
Canadien explored political and constitutional matters, but it was also found to defend the
character of the French Canadians against the malicious attacks of the Quebec Mercury.
The Quebec Mercury was the rival paper to Le Canadien. Quebec Mercury’s supporters
included the English merchants and many appointees from the executive and legislative
councils. At this point in time is where the development of the newspaper as a form of mass
communication(for the masses) arises.
The newspapers were key instruments in which the ideas of the professional class
were articulated in such a manner as to explain the new system of government as a benefit
to the Canadiens. The inhabitants were shown the glories of the their new constitutionalism
and instructed in the functioning of its various parts. Le Canadien and the Quebec Mercury
quickly began to play out the political tensions. The debates at one point were so vicious
that the Quebec Mercury was charged with libel. The Quebec Mercury was ordered to write
a public apology. Obviously this did not go over well with the English and again the tensions
peaked.
The professional class that began to dominate the elected assembly, received little
recognition as educated and worthy politicians.
Governor Craig attitudes towards the Canadiens was that they were drunken and grossly
ignorant people, ant that their religion should be placed under Anglican hierarchy. Craig
also believed that the assembly was made up of enemies of Britain; petty lawyers and
notaries that knew nothing of the British Constitution or legislature, although they confess
to the opposite, and that these members were doing all that could be done to bring the loss
of Canada to Britain. The animosity felt by Governor Craig towards the Canadiens, was
taken with great stride by the members of the assembly at whom they were directed to.
Pierre Bedard, seen as a leader of this new professional class and one of the founders of Le
Canadien, felt the greatest repercussions from the English. Pierre Bedard along with other
members of Le Canadien were jailed. After the other men were released from prison,
Bedard remained incarcerated for one year. However this incarceration did make Pierre
Bedard hostile but rather more determined to win the political system and the English. After
his release, Pierre Bedard made this address to his constituents:
The Past ought not to discourage us, nor diminish our regard for
the constitution. All other forms of government are subject to
such abuses . . . All our contestations with the executive have
eventuated in developing those advantages the constitution has
vested us with. A master-work is best known by its practical
operation. To enable us to appreciate the utility of each of the
springs in the state machine, we have but to be deprived of its
use altogether. It is, besides, in the nature of things that great
advantages should be obtained by some sacrifices.
Pierre Bedard remained composed during this period where he directly felt the wrath of
Governor Craig. Governor Craig’s tenor was referred to as the Reign of Terror. Pierre
Bedard believed in the system and believed that this system could work for the Canadiens.
The increased awareness that the professional class brought to the inhabitants, had
effects on other aspects of Lower Canadian society. The political arena gave a voice to the
inhabitants, which resulted in the economics conflicts between the French and English. The
economic stratification between the French and the English was always a cause for
numerous debates within the government. The English merchants felt it essential that the
political structure of Lower Canada change in order to help the advancement of
commercialism, and as they found out this advancement was not a high priority of the
Canadiens. Thus the English merchants and the councils believed that the Canadiens were
holding back ‘progress’. Again the assembly was divided but not only was it French verus
English, it had become a battle between the farmers and professional class against the
merchants. In order for the commercial industry in Lower Canada to grow, the merchants
were demanding that money be put into the water system, via canals. In order to build
canals, the merchants sought financial support from the government. The farmers and
professional class were unwilling to give government money to help the merchants, and
believed that the money was best spent building roads in French communities.
The tensions between the professional class and farmers and merchants heighten
when discussions of where this money might come from. The obvious source of income was
through taxation.
At this time the farmers and professional class paid no direct taxes, and felt that there was
no reason for this change. They believed the solution was to increase tariffs and develop a
sales tax on commerce, however merchants favored the development of a tax on property.
Despite all protests the merchants made towards the passage of such a bill proved to be
futile, the bill that was passed favored the farmers and professional class.
The social aspects of Lower Canada were also a cause of some clashes. Essentially,
the problem was that the Canadiens, were Canadiens and not Canadians. The Canadiens
were still partial to their own habits, religion, and laws, and were unwilling to conform to
the British social customs. This unwillingness to conform to the British society again
sparked the issue of assimilation. Recommendations were being put forth by numerous
British government officials. These recommendations included an increase of British and
American immigration into Lower Canada, an uniting of Upper and Lower Canada(create
a minority French population) and strict control over the Catholic Church and education.
The immediate attempts or suggestions of uniting the two colonies was disregarded, but the
issues of education and religion were seen as good solutions.
The education system in Lower Canada had always been controlled by the Catholic
Church. Thus within the education system, there were deep rooted links to the French
language and Catholicism.
Therefore the British knew that to try to separate the Canadien from their customs they
would have to start with the education. The English were desiring a state-controlled
education system, while the Catholic Church felt the education system should remain under
their control. The British felt the biggest benefit from abolishing the Catholics hold on
education was the assumed language implications. Numerous attempts had been made
within the assembly to answer this question however, it was not simple. In 1801 the
Education Bill was passed, which established the Royal Institution for the Advancement of
Learning. Its controlling body consisted of the governor, the lieutenant-governor, the
Anglican bishop, the chief justice, and the speaker of the assembly. The creation of the
Royal Institution for the Advancement of Learning was seen as a threat to the survival of
French culture. However the system did not advance very well and education was kept in
the hands of the Catholic Church.
The Catholic Church was thought to be one of the most powerful institutions in
Lower Canada, with regards to the Canadiens. Before the Conquest the church was a high
authority figure in New France. With the Conquest and the Constitution Act of 1791, the
Church was skeptical of the implementation of government. The Catholic Church felt
threatened by its development because it was quite possible that the Canadiens would stray
from the Catholic Church. They feared this system for it might steer away from the
Catholic Church as being a source of power. The Catholic Church and their Bishop did not
exist legally in Lower Canada, and for that they were unable to take any concerns to the
courts.
They had to sit passively by and watch as the English tried to develop new laws that would
eliminate the Catholic Church for good. However, it was not only the Anglican Churches
and British government officials that the Catholic Church began to feel pressure from. The
Catholic Church was also struggling with internal problems. The Catholic Church had been
suffering from a shortage of priests and vocations, and there was a poor quality of theoretical
training, and that the priests were being sent out to young and unprepared for the parishes.
The Catholic Church needed help but was unable to receive it. The Catholic Church asked
for more priests to be sent from France, however they were denied because they might
provide the Canadiens with their origins and in return meddle into political affairs. Till
this point the Catholic Church remained neutral in the affairs of the government, it was
crucial to remain in good relations with the government. In order to do so they needed not
make any obvious political backings. With the professional class some were already
straying from the Catholic Church. The threat that assimilation created was also very close
to the Catholic Church. It was seen that assimilation was possible if the Catholic Church
was subverted. Most attempts by officials to start an assimilation, resulted in views or
programs of Anglicanization. However, all attempts were useless and the Catholic Church
survived.
In the last decade of the eighteenth century and the first decade of the nineteenth
century, we see the development of French Canadian nationalism.
It was the implementation of the British Parliamentary system ,and the Canadiens refusal
to passively sit back and embrace assimilation that sparked this nationalism. The
nationalism was also a product of the emerging professional class, which went on to
dominant the assembly and bring the complexity of the British Constitution to a level which
could be understood by all Canadiens. The political, social and religious conflicts that
evolved in the first decade of the nineteenth century were all connected. It seemed to be a
cycle of clashes, the political would spark the economic and the economic would spark the
social, and then back to political. French-Canadian nationalism was developed out of a
series of defensive reflexes that were brought on by the numerous challenges that they faced
in the first decade of the nineteenth century. Le Canadien, as a form of mass
communication, not only addressed the concerns of politics but it also emphasized anything
that differed from the English would show French distinctiveness. The clashes that were
seen throughout the first decade of the nineteenth century, were more then just ethnic or
racial clashes, it was the beginning of a fight for survival by the Canadiens. It was not the
actions of one particular person, or one particular clash that gave birth to French-Canadian
nationalism. It was that the Canadiens began to see themselves as a collective whole, a
shared consciousness had developed and from that French-Canadian nationalism emerged.
French and English Clashes in the first decade
of the nineteenth century & the Birth of
French-Canadian Nationalism
Bibliography
Creighton, Donald. The Empire of the St. Lawrence. Toronto: Macmillan
Company of Canada Limited, 1956.
Garneau, F. X.. History of Canada. Montreal: John Lovell, 1862.
Ouellet, Fernand. “French-Canadian Nationalism: Its Origins to the Insurrection of
1837,” in Dale Miquelon, ed., Society and Conquest. Toronto: Copp Clark
Publishing, 1977, pp. 171-186.
Smith, Lawrence A. H.. “Le Canadien and the British Constitution”, in Ramsay
Cook, Craig Brown, Carl Berger, eds., Constitutionalism and Nationalism in
Lower Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1969, pp. 17-32.
Wade, Mason. The French Canadians: 1760 - 1967. Toronto: Macmillan of
Canada, 1968.
Wade, Mason. The French-Canadian Outlook. New York: McClelland and
Stewart Limited, 1964.
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carrying it and yet the majority of the Daniels 3 time it is the mother herself who makes the choice of whether or not the child should be aborted. The decision to abort the child may have come from problems dealing with the health of the mother or standard or living for the family. However, these excuses never justify the intentional killing of an innocent person. Many people claim that an embryo is not considered human life. Supporters believe that human life starts at the fertilization of the ovum. Human life is sacred at every moment of existence. In the opinion of pro-choicer advocate, birth is not always the right choice, because it may be “socially disfunctional, morally irresponsible, or even cruel.” (Abortion, 24) Many women who knew that life would only bring pain for their children choose to have an abortion. They feel that it would be better if the child wasn’t born at all. Even though it kills human life, abortion is in fact, the moral choice to make when would be mothers are as certain that their present circumstances do not enable them to raise a would-be child responsibly. Contrary to popular accusations it is not the decision to abort, but the decision to have a child that is treated with the insufficient gravity in our society (Quinn, Abortion, 25). To many pro-life advocates, abortion is a form of holocaust. They have compared abortion to the Nazi’s termination of the Jews. The number of aborted babies is staggering: 4,000 on a daily basis, over 1.6million annually, and over 30 million in the 20 years after the United States Supreme court gave it proabortion decision in 1973. On a Daniels 4 yearly basis from 50 to 60 million abortions have been performed worldwide. The Nazi’s killed at least six million Jews. The Nazi’s killed the Jews and, instead of burying them they put them in crematory ovens and huge ditches. Burning in hospital furnaces or city incinerators exposes of many of the aborted babies. Pro-life groups prefer that the bodies be disposed with dignity, a Christian burial. Pro-choicest Don Sloan believes that an embryo is not a baby because it can only exist inside a woman’s uterus. Some people think of abortion as a self-defense rather than a murder because the woman is defending her health, her way of life, and her piece of mind against something that is not wanted. Sloan, like other pro-choice supporters, believe that everyone have a right and a say-so in the abortion issue. School officials are not allowed to hand out aspirin to children without the permission of the parents, so why should they be able to have an abortion without consent? To pro-lifers, parents should be involved in abortion decision-making for teens because legally, they are responsible. The idea of notifying parents in advance when any of discussion goes on with regard to their children health and welfare and that includes abortion. As long as the parents are responsible for their sexuality laws are written to stipulate what is right and wrong. And when it comes to a law that affects parental rights, I think there is a responsibility to come out on the side of the parents (Gow, Abortion, 96). Daniels 5 Parental notification is one of these troubling topics that confound many. Many states such as Arkansas, Delaware, Georgia, Idaho, Iowa, and Kansas require parental notification before a minor is required to obtain an abortion. States were parental consent is required include Alabama, Indiana, Kentucky, Mississippi, and Ohio. Pro-choicers feel that these laws are unconstitutional and they are a violation of the pregnant child. They feel that this could harm the girls’ health and may drive the teen to have an illegal abortion to avoid telling their parents. Legislators who disagree with abortion believe that the parental-consent laws will scare teens into abstinence. However, in states with these laws, sexual intercourse
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